White Identity Worldwide
A polished young American racist is knitting together a global network of white nationalists. And that has Europeans worried.
One of the most polished American racists of recent years is Richard Bertrand Spencer, a 36-year-old Ph.D. program dropout who, in his khakis and oxfords, looks more like some ambitious young Capitol Hill staffer than a white supremacist. Indeed, with a master鈥檚 degree from the University of Chicago and a bachelor鈥檚 from the University of Virginia, Spencer鈥檚 resum茅 reads a lot like that of a well-heeled, up-and-coming politico.聽
But several years ago, when he was in his early 30s, Spencer left mainstream conservatism for what he calls 鈥渁 life of thought crime.鈥� Since then, he has established racist websites and ascended to the top spot at the National Policy Institute (NPI), a white nationalist nonprofit he runs from his home in Whitefish, Mont., along with two affiliated publishing outfits (see story, p. 42). After holding a series of highbrow-racist conferences on such topics as the future of white people, Spencer has now set his sights on bigger things 鈥� building bridges to the organized European racist right.聽
Though past NPI conferences have featured leading European racists, Spencer is moving beyond one-off presentations from these folks in order to connect with two newly important radical-right strains on the continent: the Movement Identitaire, a pro-white, anti-Muslim and anti-globalist movement that started in France in the early 2000s and has been growing rapidly since, and Jobbik, the anti-Semitic and racist organization that became Hungary鈥檚 third-largest political party this spring, when it polled more than 1 million votes.
鈥淲e hope that our budding society will act as a forum for a number of different traditionalist groups in Europe, including Identitarians,鈥� Spencer told the Intelligence Report. 鈥淲e are eager to involve Europeans who seek to connect with community and tradition, and thus preserve true diversity against the flattening of globalism.鈥� His interest, Spencer added, is to reach 鈥渁ny European who seeks to develop racial identity and consciousness.鈥�
A key moment in this effort was planned for this fall at a conference NPI organized in Budapest, Hungary. Co-hosted by Jobbik, the Oct. 3-5 Inaugural Identitarian Congress was slated to feature prominent European nationalists of various types and several leading American racist ideologues.
Little is known in the U.S. about Spencer鈥檚 new allies, but across the Atlantic they are seen as serious threats to European democracy. Members of the European Union, the European Jewish Congress and other prominent human rights defenders have warned of the dangers posed by Jobbik, which has been widely described as fascist, is patently anti-Semitic, and yet has grown rapidly. Similarly, the Movement Identitaire, which started small but made a name for itself with the 2012 invasion of a French mosque, is deeply worrying to European officials.
Fascists in Suits
Jobbik sits at the heart of a network of far-right groups that have emerged and strengthened since the financial crisis hit Europe and the United States in 2008. By winning nearly 21% of the vote in Hungary鈥檚 April parliamentary elections, the party became Eastern Europe鈥檚 largest far-right group in terms of political representation.
Jobbik dislikes the European Union, 鈥済lobal capitalism,鈥� immigrants, Jews, the Roma and the LGBT community. It drew international attention and condemnation in 2012, when party official Marton Gyongyosi 鈥� one of the scheduled speakers at Spencer鈥檚 Budapest event 鈥� told the Hungarian parliament that Jews were a threat to national security and should be registered. When the obvious comparisons to the Nazi registration of Jews were drawn, Gyongyosi duly apologized, claiming he had been misunderstood.
But the list of anti-Semitic statements from Jobbik members is long.
Jobbik EU candidate Judit Szima, for instance, edited a newsletter that said, 鈥淕iven our current situation, anti-Semitism is not just our right, but it is the duty of every Hungarian homeland lover, and we must prepare for armed battle against the Jews.鈥� In 2012, Jobbik member of parliament Zsolt Bar谩th sparked outrage with his commemoration of a notorious 1882 incident, the Tiszaeszl谩r blood libel. Jews at the time were accused falsely of killing a young Christian girl and the blame foisted on them by Hungarian political leaders led to an outbreak of anti-Semitic violence. Jobbik also has Holocaust deniers in its ranks. In 2014, a county-level party official, Tibor 脕goston, referred to the Holocaust as the 鈥渉oloscam.鈥�
Now, the Jobbik cancer is spreading through Eastern Europe. According to Reuters, there are currently ties between the party and half a dozen other hardline nationalist groups in Europe鈥檚 former Communist bloc.
But what Jobbik wants from NPI may be different, according to Gabor Gyori, a senior analyst at Policy Solutions, a Hungarian think tank. It is apparently trying to present a more intellectual and less threatening look.
鈥淎n international conference hosted and attended by a more sophisticated group of extremists is very alluring to Jobbik, especially if for the general public the image of the conference will be that of genteel, educated, international gentlemen, not the standard far-right rabble-rousers,鈥� Gyori told the Report before the gathering. 鈥淭his is the image Jobbik wants to cultivate now, though critical viewers may well realize that those assembled at the NPI conference are nothing more than better-clad, well-coiffed and rhetorically skilled skinheads.鈥�
Ghosts in the Streets
In addition to principals of Jobbik, Spencer鈥檚 conference was to feature three prominent leaders of the Movement Identitaire, a movement that has now spread from France to many other parts of Western Europe.
The movement was born when the Bloc Identitaire burst on the scene in 2003, founded by former members of the French anti-Zionist party Unit茅 Radicale. (Maxime Brunerie, a Unit茅 Radicale member who had ties to the American neo-Nazi group National Alliance, tried to assassinate French president Jacques Chirac on Bastille Day in 2002.)聽
The group says it opposes 鈥渋mperialism, whether it be American or Islamic,鈥� that last a reference to what鈥檚 seen as an invasion of Europe by Muslims. In its pamphlet, 鈥淲e Are Generation Identity鈥� 鈥� propaganda published by Arktos Media (see related story, p. 42), another co-sponsor of the NPI conference 鈥斅爄t describes its mission as 鈥渞econquest.鈥� That鈥檚 an unmistakable reference to the Spanish 鈥淩econquista鈥� of the Iberian peninsula from the Moors in 1492, the culmination of a long, Christian struggle to take Europe back from non-white Muslims.
The Bloc Identitaire is led by Fabrice Robert, one of those scheduled to speak at NPI鈥檚 Budapest conference. Robert has a long track record of racism and anti-Semitism. For example, after finishing high school in 1992, Robert was sentenced to a one-month suspended prison sentence and fined 10,000 francs for distributing stickers lauding French Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson. He has been fined for similar offenses twice since.
Fabrice Robert declined an interview request.聽
The Bloc Identitaire is best known for its publicity-drawing stunts, including spooky videos posted on YouTube that show masked and white-robed supporters who gather suddenly in flash-mob style, bearing torches and marching silently through the streets of European cities, sometimes bearing cryptic signs. The videos are typically set to haunting classical music. Other Identitaire videos depict still photographs of its supporters, interspersed with a few words indicating that Europeans should fight back, also silent and set to music.
The group鈥檚 most notorious action took place in 2012, when its youth wing invaded and occupied the Poitiers mosque, the site where Charles Martel defeated invading Muslim armies in 732. It also has distributed soups in Muslim and Jewish neighborhoods that contain pork, which is forbidden to observant members of both faiths. Distribution of these so-called 鈥渋dentity soups鈥� was banned by the European Parliament in 2006 for being 鈥渄iscriminatory and xenophobic.鈥�
European experts say that despite the movement鈥檚 heavy reliance on the Internet, it is far more important than a simple media phenomenon.
聽鈥淭he Movement Identitaire today is mostly visible on the Internet and in flash mob-style actions on the streets, predominantly in France and Germany,鈥� Thomas Grumke, a professor who specializes in the extreme European right at the University of Applied Sciences and Public Administration in North Rheinland-Westphalia, Germany, told the Report. 鈥淭heir connections to militant, well-rooted racist groups like Jobbik show, however, that they have influence on an international scale, that their ideological clout must not be underestimated, and that they have moved far beyond being an Internet phenomenon.鈥�
From Academia to Hate
Spencer is certainly not the first American professional racist to try to forge ties with his white brothers and sisters abroad. William Pierce, the late founder of the neo-Nazi National Alliance, once wooed the racist German National Democratic Party and Greece鈥檚 rabidly anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic Golden Dawn group. Pierce even spoke at those organizations鈥� events in the late 1990s. Although there was much talk at the time of a 鈥減an-Aryan鈥� international white supremacist movement, cooperation beyond these ties was minimal.
But others, too, have traveled to overseas extremist events. Jared Taylor, who edits the white nationalist journal American Renaissance, once spoke to the French National Front (NF) and his annual conferences have featured prominent figures in the European radical right including Bruno Gollnisch, at one time the second-in-command of the NF, and Nick Griffin, leader of the racist British National Party. Gordon Baum, the leader of the Missouri-based white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens, also once spoke to the FN.聽
But none has managed to co-sponsor an event with a party that has won as many votes as Jobbik. How has a young Ph.D. dropout in a remote Montana town come to be the key American racist building a transnational alliance?
Spencer grew up a child of privilege, attending private school in Dallas and some of America鈥檚 finest universities. He seemed to be your typical nascent academic until 2007, when he dropped out of a doctoral program in history at Duke University. Since leaving Duke, Spencer has worked for a series of harder- and harder-line racist publications.聽
His move into the radical right started with a stint as an assistant editor at Pat Buchanan鈥檚 The American Conservative magazine and, later, as editor of the far-right and sometimes racist Taki鈥檚 Magazine. Beginning in 2008, he made a series of major speeches at the H.L. Mencken Club, which regularly features prominent white nationalists.
Spencer was increasingly fixated with the idea of white identity 鈥� a concern shared with the Movement Identitaire and Jobbik. In a 2009 piece for Taki鈥檚 Magazine, he put it like this: 鈥淚n our increasingly globalized world (it鈥檚 not just a clich茅), race hasn鈥檛 been obscured or overcome, as many had hoped, but heightened and magnified 鈥� and contemporary white consciousness, if we鈥檙e to use this term, is so complicated and bizarre 鈥� that no serious cultural publication should refrain from discussing it.鈥�
By 2010, under the financial umbrella of the rabidly anti-immigrant VDARE Foundation, Spencer was running his own racist webzine, Alternative Right, and getting published by leading white nationalist journals including American Renaissance, Occidental Observer and Right Now!
In 2011, Spencer took over NPI and Washington Summit Publishers, after their founder, longtime white nationalist Louis Andrews, took ill. And, the next year, he founded Radix Journal, a co-sponsor of the Budapest conference that has published work by the American anti-Semite Kevin MacDonald, Russian ultranationalist Alexander Dugin, and similar ideologues.聽
Speaking at a 2013 American Renaissance conference, Spencer made his aims clear, urging nationalists to reject immigration and focus on the long-term goal of establishing a 鈥渨hite ethno-state in the North American continent.鈥� It appears that now he is trying to make friends with those who would very much like to do the same thing in Europe. s
The Lineup
Here is a rundown of extremist speakers, in addition to Spencer, who were scheduled to speak at the NPI鈥檚 October conference in Budapest:
础濒别虫补苍诲别谤听Gelyevich Dugin聽is a Russian political scientist and fascist who supports a Eurasian empire made up of Russia and former Soviet republics such as the Ukraine and set against 鈥淣orth Atlantic interests.鈥� Dugin has close ties to the Kremlin and serves as an adviser to Sergei Naryshkin, speaker of the Duma, the Russian parliament. He has set up nationalist political parties including the National Bolshevik Party, National Bolshevik Front and the Eurasia Party. During this year鈥檚 conflict in the Ukraine and Crimea, Dugin was in regular contact with pro-Russian separatist insurgents.
John Black Morgan is the American editor-in-chief of Arktos Media, a co-sponsor of the NPI event. Morgan, a big fan of the Jobbik party, says the publishing outfit is named to evoke 鈥渁ncient European tradition鈥� and 鈥渘orthernness.鈥� Arktos publishes books by prominent fascists, including Dugin and others who were to attend the NPI conference, as well as handbooks on the Movement Identitaire. Some of Arktos鈥� works are particularly radical. Guillaume Faye and the Battle for Europe is a compilation of postings from American neo-Nazi websites including Vanguard News Network and National Vanguard. Arktos recently moved to Budapest from the United Kingdom. Morgan also has been published on the American racist website Counter-Currents.聽
Manuel Ochsenreiter is editor-in-chief of the German monthly news magazine ZUERST! (meaning First), which is 鈥渃ommitted to the life and survival interests of the German people and the precious heritage of our European culture.鈥� The magazine describes other media as controlled by 鈥渇oreign interests.鈥� According to The Interpreter, an English-language site specializing in Russian news, ZUERST! burnishes 鈥渢he image of the Third Reich in popular culture鈥� and opposes 鈥渨hat it regards as the humiliating legacy of denazification.鈥� Just after the magazine began publishing in 2010, workers for its distributor, Bauer Media, threatened to strike, calling it a pro-Nazi magazine. Bauer dropped the publication. Ochsenreiter also is an on-air correspondent for the conspiracy-minded television channel, Russia Today. And he published a book, State Murder in Baghdad: Saddam Hussein and the Gallows, which compares the prosecution of Saddam Hussein to the Nuremberg trials. Ochsenreiter is close to Alexander Dugin and supports Russian interests in the Ukraine.聽
Tomislav Sunic was born in Croatia but has American citizenship and has taught at American universities since receiving a Ph.D. from the University of California, Santa Barbara. He is a former Croatian diplomat. A prolific writer, former radio host and regular fixture on the radical-right speaking circuit, Suni麓c has addressed Klansmen, neo-Nazis and Holocaust deniers. A rabid anti-communist, probably due to his father鈥檚 persecution by the Yugoslav regime, Suni麓c criticized non-European immigration at the 2003 Eurofest event, sponsored by the Sacramento, Calif., chapter of the neo-Nazi National Alliance. In August 2003, he gave a lecture in German alongside the lawyer Horst Mahler, who is currently serving a prison sentence in Germany for Holocaust denial, at a conference sponsored by Germany鈥檚 nationalist far-right party, the National Democratic Party. Suni膰 is close to prominent anti-Semite and former California State University psychology professor Kevin MacDonald, who wrote an introduction to Suni麓c鈥檚 book Homo Americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age. It says Suni麓c 鈥渁ddresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism, globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization.鈥澛�
Jared Taylor is the founder of the Virginia-based New Century Foundation and editor of its American Renaissance journal, which, despite its pseudo-academic polish, regularly publishes proponents of eugenics and blatant anti-black and anti-Latino racists. (It is now an online publication.) Taylor hosts annual conferences where racist intellectuals rub shoulders with Klansmen, neo-Nazis and other white supremacists. In 2005 Taylor wrote: 鈥淏lacks and whites are different. When blacks are left entirely to their own devices, Western civilization 鈥� any kind of civilization 鈥� disappears.鈥�
聽In addition to speaking to the NF in France, Taylor has prominently featured European racists at his conferences. In 2011, Taylor spoke at a NPI event dedicated to raising 鈥渢he consciousness of whites鈥� and ensuring 鈥渙ur biological and cultural continuity.鈥澛�
Philippe Vardon聽established the very active Generation Identity chapter in Nice in 2002. Vardon, who also was a founder of the original Bloc Identitaire, has tried to run for office unsuccessfully more than once. His chapter is known for catchy slogans like 鈥淣either veiled 鈥� or raped,鈥� which reflect his training in communications. Vardon penned the forward to the movement manifesto written by Markus Willinger, Generation Identity: A Declaration of War Against the 鈥�68ers. In it, Vardon writes of the evils of 鈥渦nchecked mass immigration鈥� and 鈥渢riumphant multiculturalism.鈥� Vardon attempted to join the NF in 2013, but when the party became aware that it had issued him a membership card, it was pulled. More recently, his group has been railing against immigrants that it blames for spreading the Ebola virus. He now also leads Les Identitaires, the think tank of the French Identitarian movement.
Markus Willinger was the youngest of the Identitaires scheduled to appear聽 at the NPI conference. Born in Austria in 1992, Willinger has been active in extremist politics since his teens and is now a student at the University of Stuttgart. He is best known for his 2013 manifesto (see above), which Arktos translated into English from German. The book denounces multiculturalism, immigration, equality between the sexes, and other liberal ideas championed by the leftist movement that peaked in 1968. The book affirms 鈥淓uropean identity, culture, and tradition, our will to keep Europe alive, and our resolve to not be the last European generation鈥� and ends with this statement: 鈥淥ur patience has reached its end. Don鈥檛 think of this book as a manifesto. It鈥檚 a declaration of war. Our war against you.鈥�
