人兽性交

Non-profit policy groups Frontline Policy Council (FPC) and Frontline Policy Action (FPA) often publicize their contacts with policymakers, but the activities of the groups鈥� president and Frontline's new general counsel raise questions about compliance with state ethics rules for lobbyists. 鈥淐onducting lobbyist activities without registering as a lobbyist would be considered a violation of the Campaign Finance Act,鈥� Joseph Cusack, deputy director and general counsel for the State Ethics Commission, told Hatewatch in an emailed statement, provided the activity does not fall into several exemptions in the statute.

Cole Muzio co-founded and leads both organizations. Their missions largely involve changing public policy in Georgia to align with far-right anti-abortion and anti-人兽性交 ideologies.

Lobbying successes

Since 2023, more than one dozen anti-人兽性交+ bills have moved through the . According to 人兽性交+ advocates in the state, two groups have led the charge: FPC and its affiliate FPA. Prior to 2021, the groups were affiliates of the national Family Policy Alliance, which often partners with anti-人兽性交+ hate groups like Family Research Council聽(FRC). In 2021, the groups split from Family Policy Alliance to form independent organizations, and representatives of the groups have been fixtures at the state Capitol since then.

The groups have direct impact with their advocacy of bills to restrict abortion, ban gender-affirming care and limit inclusive educational practices in Georgia. The successes appear to be a function of their contact with state lawmakers and their endorsements of state legislative candidates. 鈥淚 can tell you there鈥檚 no organization that made a bigger difference in putting that [Georgia鈥檚 6-week abortion ban] into law than Frontline did,鈥� state Sen. Ed Setzler, R-Acworth, said in an FPA promotional video in October 2023. Setzler won his seat in 2022 and was FPA鈥檚 first endorsement during that election season.

When asked about Frontline's lobbying activity, Cindy Battles, policy and engagement director for the Georgia Coalition for the People鈥檚 Agenda, said: 鈥淭here are multiple instances including the defunding of public education in SB 233, the push for RFRA [Religious Freedom Restoration Act], the inclusion of puberty blockers in bills meant to save lives at schools. ... It feels hopeless to win against this. It鈥檚 trying to put out a forest fire with a bucket.鈥�

FCP/A鈥檚 direct advocacy work is undertaken, in part, by two registered lobbyists and two people not registered as lobbyists with the state Government Transparency and Campaign Finance Commission (GTCFC) in either 2023 or 2024: Muzio and Frontline general counsel Chelsea Thompson.

Frontline did not respond to an emailed request for comment.

Lobbying code

In 2021, leaders of the Georgia affiliate of Family Policy Alliance 鈥� first founded as a 鈥渕inistry鈥� of long-time far-right personality James Dobson鈥檚 Focus on the Family 鈥� broke away from the national organization and formed two independent tax-exempt groups: FPC, a tax-exempt 鈥渃haritable鈥� group organized under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, and FPA, a tax-exempt 鈥渟ocial welfare鈥� group organized under section 501(c)(4) of the Internal Revenue Code. Both types can engage in forms of lobbying, but regulations for 501(c)(3)s are far stricter.

According to the , lobbying in Georgia is largely defined by an exchange in funds 鈥� how much money the person spends or is compensated to influence how a policymaker votes.

The statute considers a lobbyist as any person who receives more than $250 in compensation for efforts to promote legislation. Similarly, a person who spends more than $1,000 in a calendar year to promote or oppose legislation is also considered a lobbyist.

Georgia code also lists other particulars, including compensation 鈥渟pecifically for undertaking to promote or oppose the passage of any ordinance or resolution by a public officer,鈥� and employment to influence vendor selection in state contracts or influence state agencies.

People who meet the criteria in Georgia are required to register with the state GTCFC, which 聽verifying whom the lobbyist is hired to represent and that group鈥檚 purpose. It also requires lobbyists to submit reports of their activity, including a semimonthly report, when the legislature is in session, on how much money they spend on things like meals, entertainment tickets or travel for policymakers. The reports are required to be filed monthly when the legislature is not in session.

鈥淢ost nonprofit organizations using paid staff to do any type of direct or grassroots lobbying activities at the state or local level鈥� trigger a lobbying registration, according to 聽Alliance for 人兽性交, a judicial advocacy group. The group also warns non-profit lobbyists that missing a reporting deadline can result in financial penalties: 鈥淟ate filing fees in Georgia can cumulatively amount to $11,275 per person per report!鈥�

Even though the threshold is low, neither Muzio nor Thompson registered or filed lobbying disclosure reports for the 2023 legislative session or beyond. But both engaged in what appears to be lobbying under Georgia code, according to FPC/A鈥檚 websites and social media.

鈥楴ever stopped working the phones鈥�

Muzio maintained 鈥渁ctive鈥� lobbyist status for FPA until April 16, 2022, according to filings with the GTCFC. Since that time, Muzio has not registered as a lobbyist for either FPC or FPA and filed no lobbying expense reports (of the 15 required from registered lobbyists in 2023), according to public records. To date in 2024, five filing deadlines have passed with no report from Muzio or Thompson.

Still, Muzio was a fixture at the state Capitol during the 2023 and 2024 legislative sessions, according to social media and FPC blog posts reviewed by Hatewatch. In 2023, Muzio began the legislative session with a January visit to Georgia Commissioner of Labor Bruce Thompson鈥檚 office. FPC lobbyist Scott McInnis (who registered with the GTCFC in January 2023), and members of Frontline鈥檚 Church Ambassador Network 鈥� an FPC program designed to 鈥渃onnect pastors with elected leaders鈥� and 鈥渞epresent God鈥檚 Church to those He has put in positions of government authority鈥� 鈥� joined Muzio. They discussed how church leaders can 鈥渂less the Labor Department and the State of Georgia,鈥� according to pictures and a description of the meeting shared by FPC.

By the third week of the 2023 legislative session in late January, FPA鈥檚 Taylor Hawkins shared in a blog post that 鈥淢uzio met with Representative John Carson鈥� about a bill to increase spending on a voucher school program in the state. 鈥淲e have assured Rep. Carson that he has our complete support in this effort,鈥� Hawkins added.

During the 2023 session, Muzio also met with Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, where he and Hawkins 鈥渉eard his thoughts [and] shared our agenda鈥� and joined Georgia physician Quentin Van Meter, former president of the anti-人兽性交+ hate group American College of Pediatricians, at the Capitol after Van Meter鈥檚 testimony on a gender-affirming care ban.

Later in the 2023 session, Hawkins wrote about a long day he and Muzio had at the Capitol: 鈥淐ole and I arrived at the Capitol before 8am, stayed until roughly 10pm, and then did a wrap-up dinner where we were still communicating with our legislative allies.鈥�

FPC/A highlighted the lobbying efforts of their president outside Georgia. In an April blog post just prior to the end of the legislative session, Hawkins said Muzio鈥檚 efforts continued despite being out of state at Family Policy Alliance鈥檚 鈥淪oConCon鈥� conference in Charleston, South Carolina 鈥� an event held March 20-23, 2023, and co-sponsored by the anti-人兽性交 hate groups FRC and Alliance Defending Freedom. Muzio 鈥渘ever stopped working the phones with legislators and allies here as we ramp up toward the conclusion of a topsy turvy session,鈥� Hawkins wrote.

At the end of the 2023 session in May, Muzio again joined Kemp and members of the legislature for a bill-signing ceremony for a measure that would prevent the state from issuing so-called COVID 鈥渧accine passports.鈥�

鈥楲egal and public policy insights鈥�

In late 2023, Frontline hired a new general counsel, Chelsea Thompson, whom the group said in a press release would 鈥渘ot just provide legal counsel, but also actively participate in drafting legislation that shapes the future of pro-family policies in our state.鈥�

According to a job description of the general counsel position posted to the FPC website in about October 2023, the key responsibilities of the position include: 鈥渃reate and advance Frontline Policy Agenda [sic]鈥� in 鈥減artnership with [Muzio] and the Policy Team 鈥� cultivate relationships with key lawmakers, political appointees, and other stakeholders鈥� and 鈥減repare and give legislative testimony in support of bills of Frontline鈥檚 legislative agenda or in opposition to bills that undermine our mission.鈥�

In addition, the general counsel was hired to 鈥淸provide] the Body of Christ with legal ... insights鈥� and create a litigation arm, called the Frontline Law Center, that plans to file legal challenges and 鈥渂uild a Christian Lawyer Coalition within the state of Georgia.鈥� The position reports directly to the FPC president, Muzio.

One of the group鈥檚 claimed lobbying successes in 2024 involves a ban on puberty blockers 鈥� a component of gender-affirming care often falsely panned聽as experimental. In March 2023, Muzio indicated a desire to ban puberty blockers for minors in Georgia and FPA social media suggested a ban would be a key policy goal for the 2024 legislative session.

The AP 聽that on March 11, state Sen. Ben Watson, R-Savannah, chairman of the Senate Health and Human Services Committee, 鈥渋nserted the proposed [puberty blocker] ban into an unrelated bill about providing opioid antidotes in public buildings, catching opponents off guard.鈥�

Prior to the committee hearing, FPA鈥檚 Facebook page posted an update 鈥渆ncourag[ing]鈥� their followers to 鈥渨atch the Senate Health Committee Hearing today at 3pm for a potential special appearance and possible legislative win.鈥�

Later that afternoon, FPA thanked Watson on Twitter/X for his help passing the ban out of committee. The post included a photo of Watson flanked by Hawkins and Thompson in the state Capitol.

In a Facebook post after the hearing, FPA called the development a 鈥渧ictory,鈥� referred to puberty blockers as 鈥渂arbarism鈥� and said, 鈥渨e are immensely grateful to Chairman Ben Watson for dialoguing with us throughout the year, working with us on the language."

鈥淕oing up against groups like Frontline and groups with deep pockets is exhausting,鈥� Lena Kotler, a Georgia parent and advocate for her trans daughter, told Hatewatch. 鈥淪o much of activism falls on the shoulders of people who are already marginalized,鈥� and most of those people do not engage in lobbying as a full-time job, Kotler said.

Citing a fast-paced legislative calendar and a 聽that brought a ban on puberty blockers quickly before the Senate Health and Human Services Committee, Kotler said procedural 鈥渢ricks鈥� seem designed to exclude unpaid advocates from being able to provide input on bills that deeply affect their families.

Despite this, Kotler shared her belief that advocating for her family at the Capitol will help make it 鈥渆asier for other [人兽性交+ kids]鈥� and that living life 鈥渢ruthfully and openly makes it easier to combat misinformation.鈥� She also told Hatewatch that trans people and their families are 鈥減utting their lives on the line鈥� in Georgia by being advocates and that they need allies to 鈥渄o that work alongside us.鈥�

Federal filings

Despite Muzio leading both FPC and FPA from July 1, 2021, through June 30, 2022, FPC 聽to the IRS that it did not engage in lobbying activities and reported zero expenditures on lobbying that year.

As a 501(c)(4), FPA faces fewer restrictions on political activity than its counterpart. According to the group鈥檚 most recent publicly available , for the tax year ending midway through 2022, the group reported almost $140,000 in program expenses.

The return confirms that programmatic expenses included "lobbying the State Legislature.鈥� According to the documents, however, the group reported zero lobbying expenses; and recorded no response when prompted by the tax form with the question 鈥淒id the organization engage in lobbying activities...?鈥�

In the portion of the form dedicated to reporting campaign and lobbying expenses, called Schedule C, the group reported over $17,000 in 鈥減olitical campaign activity expenditures鈥� including a $250 payment to the Georgia Republican Party. The group recorded no responses in the remainder of Schedule C, reserved for detailing lobbying expenditures.

According to other , almost $30,000 of FPA鈥檚 $262,000 revenue that tax year came directly from Family Policy Alliance when the groups parted ways.

Photo illustration by 人兽性交