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After he was unable to gain access to the sorority house, Rodger shot three women outside the house. He then proceeded to drive around Isla Vista, shooting at pedestrians and running others over with his car. Before finally killing himself, Rodger murdered six people and wounded 14 others.

The violence in Isla Vista was the first misogynist 鈥渋ncel鈥� (involuntary celibate) terror attack, and it continues to serve as a blueprint for similar violence. In the years since, law enforcement officials have disrupted copycat 聽planned to commemorate the anniversary. The Anti-Defamation League has dozens of incidents of incel violence and plots, which have cumulatively resulted in over 100 deaths and injuries worldwide. In addition to many acts of mass violence, high-profile arrests have highlighted the involvement of misogynist incels in incidents of , 听补苍诲 .

Misogynist incels are just one community within a much broader landscape of male supremacy. While male supremacist hate groups and communities differ in their assessment of societal issues, they share the same misogyny, antifeminism and male entitlement. In addition to the rise of misogynist incels, in the last decade we have seen extreme anti-abortion legislation and violence and a rise in transphobic attacks. We have witnessed the 聽of misogynist ideas among teenage boys, stemming from such figures as , a male supremacist social media influencer who preaches women are property and is currently facing 聽for rape and human trafficking in Romania.

The Isla Vista attack 鈥� and the hateful manifesto and video diaries the killer left behind 鈥� helped spark a movement of male supremacist men willing to embrace violence to punish women for denying them their perceived right to sex. Less attention has been given to the role Rodger鈥檚 racist manifesto had in laying the foundation for the white supremacy that remains commonplace within the misogynist incel movement.

Nascent coverage of male supremacy has largely prioritized the experience of white women and girls and downplayed or ignored the impact on those who are Black. This is known as misogynoir 鈥� a term Moya Bailey coined in her book to capture the dual threat Black women face from anti-Black racism and misogyny. When introducing the term, Bailey explains, 鈥溾�楳isogynoir鈥� describes the uniquely co-constitutive racialized and sexist violence that befalls Black women as a result of their simultaneous and interlocking oppression at the intersection of racial and gender marginalization.鈥� She points to how white supremacist power intersected with sexist stereotypes about Black women as promiscuous and incompetent to justify outrageous attacks on their bodily autonomy through 1940s state policies that allowed doctors to perform hysterectomies on Black women without their knowledge or consent. Black women face hostility and abuse for their gender and race, yet all too often they are left out of conversations about both, cast as the perpetual other.

Elliot Rodger鈥檚 manifesto 鈥� which went on to become a 聽within the misogynist incel movement 鈥� is filled with racist tirades detailing the 鈥渆nvious rage鈥� he felt when he saw blonde, white women with non-white men. 鈥淗ow could an inferior, ugly black boy be able to get a white girl and not me?鈥� he wrote. 鈥淚 am beautiful, and I am half white myself. I am descended from British aristocracy. He is descended from slaves. I deserve it more.鈥�

He made similar comments in posts on PUAHate.com聽鈥� a now defunct site that was pivotal in facilitating the organization of the early misogynist incel community. When another user called out his racism, Rodger doubled down: 鈥淗ere we are suffering on PuaHate when these lesser, undeserving men that I saw today are walking around with hot girls. It doesn鈥檛 make sense.鈥�

Today, misogynist incel forums are filled with posts expressing their frustration and disgust toward interracial relationships, particularly those involving white women. One user using an image of Rodger as his avatar posted about his rage seeing a white woman at his college with a Black man. 鈥淚 couldn鈥檛 help but stalk them,鈥� he posted, adding, 鈥渇---ing n----- lover I hope he beats you up.鈥�

This combination of racial and sexual entitlement is prevalent throughout the misogynist incel community and is also reflected in their vision of a social hierarchy. Misogynist incels see the world as divided into a three-tiered hierarchy based on physical appearance, with incels at the bottom. 鈥淐hads鈥� and 鈥淪tacys鈥� dominate the hierarchy and represent the ideal white beauty standard for men and women. Stacys are hyperfeminine, attractive, unattainable, and white. They are the 鈥渂eautiful blonde鈥� women Rodger developed such a rage for throughout his manifesto.

Incels typically see women of color as less desirable, unfeminine, more sexually available, and inferior to the white Stacy archetype. Many use this framing to justify violence. Throughout incel forums, women of color are the targets of both sexist and racist abuse. One 聽analyzing the misogynistic discourse on the largest incel forum found nearly a third of forum participants used racist misogyny in their posts.

This persistent devaluation of Black women is also evident throughout the 聽which emerged out of the broader and ostensibly white聽Manosphere 鈥� a collection of male supremacist websites, blogs and online forums that tout men as society鈥檚 biggest victims. The Black Manosphere maintains the core beliefs of its predecessor but presents itself as a voice to uplift Black men. All too often, this comes as the cost of denigrating Black women.

Some of the earliest voices of this movement were Donovan Sharpe and Mumia Obsidian Ali. Both were active within the broader Manosphere and contributed to hate-filled blogs like Return of Kings and A Voice for Men. Echoing the incel belief in sexual social hierarchies, Sharpe claimed Black women are 鈥渢he bottom of the sexual totem pole鈥� and published two articles listing his reasons for not dating Black women on the now defunct hate website Return of Kings. Similarly, Ali wrote, 鈥淭he worst stewards of children in American life, are Black women鈥� in an article for A Voice for Men and claimed white women would be better mothers for Black boys. Instead of recognizing systemic white supremacy, for Ali and others, Black women are primarily to blame for the supposed shortcomings of the Black community, including dysfunctional family dynamics, crime and incarceration rates 鈥揵eliefs that mirror those of white supremacists.

Like many male supremacist communities, the Black Manosphere relies on a unique and dehumanizing lexicon to signal their involvement with the movement to others. Aaron Fountain Jr., a historian who has extensively researched the Black Manosphere, consolidated many of these terms into a . This glossary highlights the rampant misogynoir within the movement with many derogatory terms specifically targeting Black women, such as 鈥淗yena鈥� and 鈥淪craggle Daggle.鈥� Black women are presented as hypermasculine, undesirable and disobedient.

Key figures within the Black Manosphere encourage followers to 鈥渟ave鈥� themselves by rejecting Black women for interracial relationships. 聽or SYSBM is a philosophy that teaches Black men they can improve their lives and social status by distancing themselves from Black women and Black communities. Babatunde Umanah, author of the self-published book, Negro Wars: A Short and Critical Examination of the Modern Day Black Woman , listed the 鈥渂asic fundamentals鈥� of SYSBM on his website in 2019. He wrote, 鈥淪YSBM ... IS NOT ABOUT SAVING THE BLACK COMMUNITY. As far as we are concerned the black community is dead and black women were the ones who killed it.鈥�

The misogynoir of the Manosphere is on full display on the popular podcast 鈥淔resh and Fit,鈥� hosted by Walter Weekes and Myron Gaines. The podcast covers 鈥渇emales, fitness, and finances,鈥� and boasts more than 1.5 million subscribers on YouTube 鈥� though the show was 聽by the platform in 2023 after repeatedly violating community guidelines.

The hosts are known for 聽the Black women who appear as guests on their show and for their comments about Black women. In one , Gaines explains how he and his cohost are not interested in dating Black women, whom he derogatorily refers to as 鈥淪hanequas.鈥� The name Shanequa is frequently used as a symbol of a racist caricature of low-income Black women. Despite backlash, the two men later doubled down on these comments, and Weekes explained: 鈥淚 love my Black queens, however, when they be acting out of pocket ... they making us all look bad. ... Do I want to deal with all that negative, masculine energy? Hell no.鈥�

Weekes and Gaines have also repeatedly provided a platform to white nationalist Nick Fuentes. As a guest on their podcast, Fuentes has discussed falling birth rates (a core concern for adherents of the racist聽聽鈥済reat replacement 鈥�聽conspiracy theory), 听颈苍 Holocaust denial, used the N-word and called women 鈥渂aby machines.鈥� This strange alliance reveals that rather than uplifting Black men, the hosts and the broader Black Manosphere are more invested in denigrating and subjugating Black women.

Hatewatch spoke with Alexandria C. Onuoha, a community organizer and scholar with expertise in and how the rhetoric of these communities the psychological development of Black girls. 鈥淎t first glance it is clear why Black men and boys are attracted to these spaces, because they need spaces that affirm them,鈥� Onuoha explained. 鈥淏lack men and boys deserve spaces where they can be authentic, and these spaces offer a false idea of what community is. This is harmful for them too.鈥�

鈥淲e can鈥檛 legislate ourselves out of misogyny,鈥� she emphasized. Instead, Onuoha calls on religious leaders and educators to directly address misogynoir and support Black men and boys by creating supportive environments for Black men and boys to discuss their issues while guiding them toward healthier outlets.

Like the broader Manosphere, the Black Manosphere 聽over men鈥檚 position in the world. However, while the former casts itself as the persecuted victim of a decline in the status and privileges of white men, members of the latter seek to create that social status that was denied to them. Rather than working to dismantle the various systems of supremacism, the Black Manosphere seeks to right the wrongs of white supremacy through the enforcement of male supremacy. They blame Black women for denying them what they perceive as their rightful authority.

In 1979, Audre Lorde warned: 鈥淔or the master鈥檚 tools will never dismantle the master鈥檚 house. They may allow us to temporarily beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.鈥� The endemic devaluation and erasure of Black women will never lead to Black liberation, nor will it advance women鈥檚 liberation.

The misogynoir within the misogynist incel and Black Manosphere is the same misogynoir that reverberates throughout the rest of society, excusing, ignoring and enabling violence against Black women and girls. Black women experience 聽of psychological abuse and are 聽to be murdered than their white counterparts.

Despite being the targets of so much racist and misogynistic violence, Black women and girls are often sidelined by the very movements that claim to fight these injustices. Too often we are told to isolate racism from misogyny to effectively combat either. As the threat of male supremacy and its violence continues to loom over the next decade, we must remember the lessons of the last one. We can never tackle male supremacy if we continue to ignore the role of misogynoir or silence the experiences of Black women and girls.

Editor鈥檚 note: This story has been updated to reflect the comments of scholar Alexandria C. Onuoha.

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